Saturday, March 20, 2010

Trusting Police is hard in some areas

The New York Times
  • March 19, 2010

    Linked to Police Misconduct, 185 Drug Cases Are Dropped

    CAMDEN, N.J. (AP) — Charges have been dropped or convictions vacated in 185 drug cases in one of the nation’s most crime-ridden cities, because information gathered in a criminal investigation of five police officers suggested that evidence could have been tainted, a prosecutor announced Friday.

    One of the officers, who resigned, pleaded guilty in federal court Friday to conspiring with other officers to deprive other people of their civil rights.

    The former officer, Kevin Parry, admitted that he planted drugs on suspects, conducted illegal searches, threatened to bring additional charges against suspects who refused to cooperate, stole drugs and money from suspects, and paid informants — many of them prostitutes — with drugs in exchange for information.

    Friday’s announcement and Mr. Parry’s plea were the first information about the situation to emerge since the investigation began in November.

    At least four of the police officers were suspended then. The Camden County prosecutor, Warren Faulk, would not say whether the fifth had been removed from duty.

    The prosecutor’s office reviewed more than 400 cases over the last five years in which one of those five was the arresting or investigating officer, Mr. Faulk said. They seemed to not have behaved inappropriately in some cases, like domestic violence calls, Mr. Faulk said.

    But in 185 cases involving more than 180 suspects, Mr. Faulk said, there was reason to drop charges or vacate convictions. It was not clear how many people were released because of the investigation, but 81 of them had received prison or jail sentences.

    Yvonne Smith Segars, who heads the state’s public defender’s office, called the developments “unprecedented.”


    Friday, March 19, 2010

    Horrific Doesn'Even Begin to Discribe this

    Horrifying acts' common thread: troubled kids

    jburnett@MiamiHerald.com

    `Kids will be kids'' used to mean a child got caught with his hand in the cookie jar, or in some other acceptably immature, playful, or maybe thick-headed, but relatively harmless, behavior.

    Thursday afternoon, 15-year-old Wayne Treacy stood before a Broward County judge to answer for allegedly beating and stomping with steel-toed boots a female classmate at Deerfield Beach Middle School.

    The Broward Sheriff's Office says Treacy, who was arrested on an attempted-murder charge following the Wednesday afternoon attack, continued to stomp and kick Josie Lou Ratley in the head after she had fallen to the ground.

    Ratley, a 15-year-old eighth-grader, remained hospitalized late Thursday in extremely critical condition.

    According to BSO, Ratley and Treacy exchanged heated text messages prior to the assault, including a taunt she allegedly sent him about his older brother's suicide in October.

    Circuit Judge Elijah Williams ordered Treacy held in juvenile detention for 21 days while the Broward state attorney's office decides whether to charge him as a juvenile or an adult.

    BROTHER'S SUICIDE

    Treacy clearly has problems. That's not a dig at him. Not to excuse his actions Wednesday, but his mother Donna Powers and stepfather Carey Smith say Treacy's brother committed suicide in October, the day before Treacy's birthday. And Treacy, then 14, found the body.

    Perhaps more troubling, though, is how common kid-on-kid assaults are becoming -- not simple, old-fashioned fist fights, but assaults.

    Michael Brewer, 15, was a student at Deerfield Beach Middle School five months ago, when several classmates surrounded him near his home, doused him with rubbing alcohol, and set him on fire because he allegedly reported them to police for attempting to steal his father's bicycle, and because he supposedly owed one of them $40 for a video-game purchase.

    In December, Avion Lawson, 17, was sentenced to 30 years in prison for participating in a brutal West Palm Beach gang rape when he was just 14, and beating up the victim's young son, who was present during the attack.

    Another of Lawson's three codefendants was legally a minor -- 17-year-old Jakaris Taylor, who received a life sentence in October for his part in the rape and beating.

    `TROUBLED'

    What's the common denominator with all these kids? There are probably several. One that jumps out at me is that in at least 30 newspaper reports during the past two years, in which either South Florida journalists or law-enforcement officials, or both, referred to them all as ``troubled.''

    I've used ``troubling'' in this column. Hard to describe these teenagers or these scenarios any other way, without explanations from the assailants and shining a giant, glaring spotlight on parental culpability.

    But lest we dismiss this behavior as a fluke -- especially in light of January reports that overall aggravated assaults in Miami-Dade and Broward counties were down by as much as 15 percent in 2009 from 2008 and 2007 rates -- consider a 2006 study in Britain about the prevalence of serious crimes committed by children:

    That country's Youth Justice Board concluded in 2006 that there was cause to celebrate, because crimes committed by children ages 13 to 17 had fallen in the prior year. However, crimes committed by 10 to 12-year-olds rose 6 percent.

    It's 2010. Like more than 70 percent of the juveniles arrested and/or charged with committing violent crimes in South Florida over the past two years, those 10-12-year-olds leading the rise in child crime in the UK are 14 to 16 now.

    Thursday, March 18, 2010

    Update related to New Postings

    I will be having open heart surgery in the relatively near future. I am not sure
    how long it will be until I am once again feeling up to searching for new
    articles to post on this blog.

    But with the help of my doctors and the Lord, I expect to be back at it in a month or so.

    I will be home until Tuesday, March 23, so I may post one or two until then.

    C.L. Segal

    Sexting

    Appeals Court Rejects Prosecution Threat In "Sexting" Case
    ~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~
    In the the first case to challenge the constitutionality of prosecuting teens for "sexting," the U.S. Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit in Philadelphia upheld an injunction that barred a Pennsylvania prosecutor from bringing child pornography charges against girls who refused to attend a class he had designed to educate youths about the dangers of sexting, the Legal Intelligencer reports.

    A unanimous three-judge panel concluded there was no probable cause to bring any charges against the girls who had appeared in various states of undress in photos shared among a group of teens. Missing from the prosecutor's case, the court said, was critical evidence about who exactly had transmitted the images. As a result, the court said, any decision to prosecute the teens after they refused to take the class would therefore be retaliation against them for asserting their First Amendment rights. The panel found that former Wyoming County District Attorney George Skumanick Jr. had violated the rights of parents by usurping their roles. "An individual district attorney may not coerce parents into permitting him to impose on their children his ideas of morality and gender roles," wrote Judge Thomas Ambro.

    Legal Intelligencer

    Wednesday, March 17, 2010

    Prison Populations Getting Smaller

    March 16, 2010

    Report Finds States Holding Fewer Prisoners

    State prison populations, which have grown for nearly four decades, have begun to dip, according to a new report, largely because of recent efforts to keep parolees out of prison and reduce prison time for nonviolent offenders.

    State prisons held 1,403,091 people as of Jan. 1, nearly 6 percent fewer than a year before, the report said. Prison populations have fallen in 27 states in that period, while they have risen in 23.

    “It’s too early to tell whether this is a tap of the brakes or a shift into reverse,” said Adam Gelb, the director of the public safety performance project of the Pew Center on the States in Washington, which produced the report. Still, Mr. Gelb said, seeing the state prison numbers dip for the first time since 1972 “took us a little bit by surprise,” he said.

    In the same period, the population in federal prisons increased by nearly 7 percent.

    The results broaden the conclusions in a report issued this month by the Sentencing Project, a research and advocacy group in Washington that looked at efforts to reduce the prison populations in Kansas, Michigan, New Jersey and New York. That report found that all four states had achieved reductions, with New York reaching a 20 percent reduction and New Jersey 19 percent over a decade.

    Marc Mauer, the executive director of that group, said the reduction was actually overdue, since crime rates have declined for some 15 years. “That’s the puzzling piece — why did this take so long?” he asked. The lag, he said, was partly the result of longer sentences and partly because of tough standards in many states for revoking parole.

    The Pew report noted that while the squeeze on state and local budgets had contributed to efforts to reduce prison populations, “financial pressures alone do not explain the decline.” At least part of the fall-off resulted from changes like California’s decision to reduce the number of low-risk people on parole returning to prison because of technical violations, and Texas’ decision to step up its residential and community-based treatment programs.

    “If you had to single out the most common reform that we’re seeing,” Mr. Gelb said, “it’s various strategies to hold parole violators accountable, short of jamming them back into a $25,000-a-year, taxpayer-funded prison cell.”

    Releases of prisoners, however, have been controversial. Crime Victims United of California, a nonprofit group, sued the state last month over its efforts to reduce the number of inmates in its prisons, claiming that releases driven by overcrowding would violate a 2008 voter initiative.

    The new report does not deal with the prisoner levels in local jails. A 2009 report by the Pew center that did count local jail inmates concluded that 1 in 100 adults in the United States lives behind bars.

    The new report concluded that whatever the long-term trends, with 1.6 million people in state and federal prisons and an estimated 700,000 in local jails, “the United States will continue to lead the world in incarceration for the foreseeable future.”

    Tuesday, March 16, 2010

    Indigents not getting best defense says article

    The New York Times


    Decision could be influential in other states as well

    March 15, 2010

    Key New York Suit Calls Public Defender Programs Inadequate

    A class-action suit to be argued next week in New York’s highest court has become a test of a national strategy by civil liberties groups to challenge what they say are failed public defender programs in many states.

    Because an estimated 80 percent of felony defendants in large states are too poor to hire their own lawyers, and because the case is being watched around the nation, the case has the potential to alter the shape of the criminal justice system.

    Filed by the New York Civil Liberties Union, the lawsuit is a broad challenge to a patchwork system that has been described by decades of studies and commissions as dysfunctional, underfinanced and “in crisis,” with often poorly trained and poorly supervised lawyers handling huge caseloads. It says indigent clients have been failed by their appointed lawyers all around the state.

    “The eyes of the nation will be on New York as it decides this crucial issue,” a brief filed by the National Association of Criminal Defense Lawyers argues.

    As the system works now, defendants who are unhappy with their appointed lawyers can generally make those claims only after they are convicted. The court then reviews each appeal case by case. But the civil liberties lawyers argue that a broad review is necessary because the arrangement has not addressed systemic failings that unconstitutionally leave tens of thousands of defendants without meaningful representation in every part of the state.

    The state has fought hard against the suit, which was first filed in 2007, arguing that if New York’s highest court, the Court of Appeals, allows it to proceed — and a court later uses the case to order the state to upgrade the public defender system — it would be a judicial invasion of the authority of the Legislature and the governor. Such improvements, some lawyers say, could cost hundreds of millions of dollars.

    In one filing, the state argues that by appointing lawyers it fulfills its constitutional obligations. “It cannot be seriously contended that plaintiffs have been denied the right to counsel,” the state says. The state’s defender system includes Legal Aid Societies, private lawyers who are appointed by the courts, and local public defender offices.

    Next Tuesday, the Court of Appeals is to consider whether the suit can proceed. A half-dozen friend-of-the-court briefs portray the scheduled argument as a critical step in defining the meaning of a landmark decision of the United States Supreme Court in 1963. The decision, Gideon v. Wainwright, declared that the Constitution required states to provide lawyers for indigent defendants.

    In recent years, there have been cases similar to the New York one in states like Connecticut, Indiana, Minnesota, Montana and Washington, with settlements, lower court decisions and inconsistent rulings. The Michigan Supreme Court is to hear a challenge to its public defender program next month.

    The New York class-action suit was filed in the name of a Rochester woman, Kimberly Hurell-Harring, and 19 other people who were facing criminal charges in five counties: Onondaga, Ontario, Schuyler, Suffolk and Washington. The question before the Court of Appeals is whether the class action presents an issue that the courts can consider.

    Ms. Hurell-Harring claimed that an upstate public defender did little for her but pressure her to plead guilty after a felony arrest for trying to sneak marijuana to her husband, who was in prison. Others among the named plaintiffs said that lawyers provided for them were overwhelmed with cases and failed to investigate or make basic legal arguments.

    “I was just a number, a docket number,” said Edward Kaminski, a retired auto mechanic who faced larceny charges in 2007 and dealt with a series of lawyers from the Legal Aid Society in Suffolk County on Long Island.

    Louis E. Mazzola, a senior lawyer at the Suffolk Legal Aid Society, said lawyers there disagreed with the way their work was described in the suit. But he said budget pressures “drive everything we do.”

    “From a client’s point of view,” Mr. Mazzola added, “it’s not a great system.”

    The civil liberties case has placed New York officials in the awkward position of defending a $400 million locally financed system that a 2006 commission said did not provide effective representation to “a large portion of those entitled to it.”

    Law enforcement officials are divided over the case, with arguments on each side filed by groups of former and current New York prosecutors. Some prosecutors say the case overstates the problems with public defender programs. In some areas, the system is “working well and protecting every right,” said Kathleen B. Hogan, the president of the State District Attorneys Association.

    Ms. Hogan, the Warren County district attorney, said that allowing a sweeping challenge would bring chaos by encouraging thousands of defendants to claim their lawyers were inadequate and their convictions should be overturned.

    But Corey Stoughton of the Civil Liberties Union, the lead lawyer in the case, said defense programs were chronically starved of money for decades because officials in every branch of government never made the adequate representation of indigents a political priority.

    Because of the poor quality of representation, innocent people are convicted and defendants routinely face pressure to plead guilty, Ms. Stoughton said.

    “The case-by-case method fails,” she said. “The political method fails. For decades, the State of New York has been on notice that the public defense system is in crisis and fails to meet basic constitutional responsibilities.”

    She said the case was a priority of the state’s Civil Liberties Union that could go on for years.

    Gov. David A. Paterson has recognized there are problems in the current system and has proposed legislation that would create an Office of Indigent Defense to evaluate the system. The bill would also provide a modest $7 million increase in state subsidies.

    Last year, the Legislature passed a law intended to limit defenders’ caseloads in New York City, where on average Legal Aid lawyers each handle more than 700 cases a year. But it is not clear that adequate financing will be provided.

    The society’s attorney in chief, Steven Banks, said the suit could be important in the city in providing a meaningful way to force the government to meet what he said were the requirements of the Gideon v. Wainwright decision.

    Mr. Banks said the Hurell-Harring case raised a clear question for the courts — “whether Gideon and the right to counsel has meaning or not.”

    Around the country, some lawyers have said they detect a concerted strategy by civil liberties lawyers to challenge public defender systems. If so, that may be due largely to the efforts of Robin L. Dahlberg, a senior staff attorney at the American Civil Liberties Union in New York. Ms. Dahlberg has been working on the issue since the mid-1990s, developing what she described as a model for such cases.

    “There is a recognition among national groups,” she said in an interview, “that where all other efforts to reform a system have failed, litigation may be the only alternative.”

    Should Iraqi and Afghanistan vets get reduced sentences

    How do you feel about giving vets of the Iraqi and Afghanistan wars a break when they commit a crime?

    March 15, 2010

    Defendants Fresh From War Find Service Counts in Court

    CHARLESTON, W.Va. — When Judge Robert C. Chambers handed down Timothy Oldani’s federal sentence for selling stolen military equipment on eBay, he gave the former Marine a break.

    In Iraq, Mr. Oldani had performed the jangling work of detonating improvised explosive devices and had seen six of his fellow Marines burned alive in an armored vehicle. He left the service with traumatic brain injury and post-traumatic stress syndrome that, the judge concluded, had clouded his judgment. Under federal sentencing guidelines, the prison term could have been nearly five years; Judge Chambers decided on just five months, with three years of supervised release and treatment.

    Many veterans like Mr. Oldani have returned from Afghanistan and Iraq burdened by post-traumatic stress, drug dependency and other problems. As veterans find themselves skirmishing with the law, judges are increasingly finding ways to provide them with a measure of leniency.

    “More and more courts are noticing and asserting, in a variety of ways, that there seems to be some relevance to military service, or history of wartime service, to our country,” said Douglas A. Berman, a law professor at Ohio State University and an expert on sentencing.

    At the federal level, judges are bucking guidelines that focus more on the nature of the crime than on the qualities of the person who committed it. States, too, are forming special courts to ensure that veterans in court receive the treatment their service entitles them to.

    While veterans are not considered to be more likely to be arrested than the rest of the population, estimates released by the Bureau of Justice Statistics in 2008 found 229,000 veterans in local jails and state and federal prisons, with 400,000 on probation and 75,000 on parole.

    There are about 1 million veterans of the two current wars in the Veterans Affairs system so far, said Jim McGuire, a health care administrator at the agency. He cited statistics suggesting that 27 percent of active-duty veterans returning to civilian life “were at risk for mental health problems” including post-traumatic stress syndrome.

    Judges have recognized that many of those returning from war are carrying a heavy burden of damage that might not be physically visible. As one federal district judge in Denver, John L. Kane, wrote in an order giving a defendant probation instead of a prison sentence, the soldier “returned from the war, but never really came home.”

    The judges’ decisions are part of a broader fight over sentencing, and over once-rigid federal guidelines that tend to punish the crime while giving little weight to the specific circumstances of the defendant. The guidelines explicitly state that “good works” like military service “are not ordinarily relevant” in determining whether to give sentences below the recommended range.

    The Supreme Court, however, in a series of cases, has declared that the federal sentencing guidelines are advisory, not mandatory. The United States Sentencing Commission is considering proposals that would allow military service or other evidence of “prior good works” to be considered as mitigating factors in sentencing decisions.

    The Supreme Court seemed to signal greater consideration for military service in a decision in November throwing out the death penalty for a Korean War veteran who was convicted in 1987 of murdering his former girlfriend and her boyfriend. Calling for a new sentencing hearing, the justices wrote that lawyers for the defendant, George Porter Jr., should have presented evidence of “the intense stress and emotional toll that combat took” on Mr. Porter, who suffered from “dreadful nightmares and would attempt to climb his bedroom walls with knives at night.”

    In Mr. Oldani’s case, his lawyer, Christian M. Capece, an assistant federal public defender in Charleston, said something about Mr. Oldani struck him at their first meeting. When Mr. Capece mentioned that he, too, had served in the Marines, he expected the usual warm response: Where did you serve? Did you see combat? Instead, Mr. Capece said, “there was nothing from him.”

    Mr. Oldani spoke with what clinicians call flat affect — an absence of emotion or change in tone — and to Mr. Capece, it seemed clear that “this kid was really messed up by his experiences out there.”

    Mr. Oldani, 25, pleaded guilty last year to selling night vision equipment stolen from a base in Georgia by his brother, and prosecutors wrote in their sentencing memorandum that he “committed a serious crime and he merits serious punishment.” Judge Chambers, however, citing the evidence of the effects of the war on Mr. Oldani, concluded that “the personal characteristics of the defendant warrant a sentence lower than the guideline range.”

    Judge Kane faced a similar choice when he opted for the sentence of probation for John Brownfield Jr., a former Air Force firefighter from CaƱon City, Colo., who admitted accepting a bribe for smuggling tobacco into a prison while working as a corrections officer. In a 30-page sentencing memorandum, the judge cited Mr. Brownfield’s experiences in Iraq and Afghanistan, which included dealing with gravely wounded soldiers and civilians, and wrote that with so many members of the military returning with serious mental health issues, “we are now, in a manner of speaking, charting unknown waters.”

    At the state level, special courts to deal with the problems of veterans are being formed across the nation, modeled on the special courts to deal with drug and mental health issues. Twenty-one veterans courts are in operation, said West Huddleston, the chief executive officer of the National Association of Drug Court Professionals.

    The first such court, in Buffalo, has handled about 130 cases, said Judge Robert T. Russell Jr., who created it in 2008.

    New York kicked off a statewide program last year; Judge Judy Harris Kluger, chief of policy and planning for the state court system, said veterans “may have a unique set of issues that we try to help them with.”

    Mr. Huddleston praised court programs that connect veterans with treatment, but added, “We should not be mitigating an offender’s case or disposition just because they are a veteran,” which he suggested “doesn’t make sense from a constitutional perspective.”

    Professor Berman agreed that automatic deference to veterans could raise issues of equal protection, but “nobody is yet really talking about military service as a get-out-of-jail-free card.”

    In fact, some of the new court programs have been carefully devised to avoid the appearance of blanket leniency. “People were concerned veterans were going to get an unfair advantage,” said Jack B. Zimmermann, a military law specialist who helped Texas shape a new pilot program. Defendants enter the Texas program, Mr. Zimmermann noted, only if the judge and prosecutor agree.

    “These men and women have served their country and have been injured,” he said. “We as a society have an obligation to treat them.”