Tuesday, October 20, 2009

Training to Eliminate profiling

This article was copied from today's issue of
USA Today (October 20, 2009).

In a switch, police invite scrutiny of racial profiling

·

By Kevin Johnson, USA TODAY

DENVER — By the time police Sgt. Robert Motyka

responds to the disturbance call at a local hospital

emergency room, the man at the reception counter

is clearly agitated.

His speech is unintelligible. He becomes frantic

as the officer slowly approaches, urging him to

calm down. In a blur of flailing arms, the man

reaches for something in his back pocket.

Motyka has no time to consider the possible

consequences of one of the most potentially

combustible scenarios in America: a

confrontation between a black man and a white officer.

When the man pulls a knife and lunges forward,

Motyka drops him with four quick pops from his

9mm Beretta. But there will be no public

second-guessing of the 13-year veteran's actions.

No racially charged demonstrations by civil rights

activists. No calls for a review of police dealings

with minorities.

In this case, Motyka was reacting to a large-screen,

video simulation designed to test officers' judgment

when using lethal force and scrutinize their dealings

with minorities. In the end, the officer acted

appropriately, according to his examiners.

The live-ammunition exercise, confined to the

department's shooting range, is part of a growing

body of research and training in nearly a dozen

law enforcement agencies across the country

aimed at eliminating persistent racial profiling

by police. Researchers are examining virtually

all facets of police behavior, from officers' interactions

with new immigrants to car stops and the use of

lethal force. More unusual, criminal justice analysts

say, is that police officials are inviting the increased

scrutiny, representing a generational change in

law enforcement in a country that is now 34% minority.

If the July White House "beer summit" was supposed

to offer a simple teaching moment after the high-profile

arrest of a black Harvard scholar by a white Cambridge,

Mass., officer, the research in Denver and elsewhere

could provide some of the most instructive case studies

on the intersection of race and law enforcement,

some police analysts say.

"Law enforcement's willingness to confront issues of

race represents a huge shift in modern policing," says

Chuck Wexler, executive director of the Police Executive

Research Forum, a law enforcement think tank. "I think

you would be hard-pressed to find another institution in

America more challenged by race than police. Coming

out of the civil rights era, most departments were

viewed (by minority communities) as occupying armies."

Wexler is leading a review of the Cambridge Police

Department's role in the arrest of Harvard professor

Henry Louis Gates and convened the first meeting of

a special panel there last week.

Gates' arrest on disorderly conduct charges,

after a 911 caller mistakenly identified him as a possible

burglar at his own home, sparked a heated national

debate over racial profiling and prompted President Obama

to criticize the police. Obama later apologized for saying

police acted "stupidly" and hosted Gates and the

arresting officer, Sgt. James Crowley, in an effort

to move the nation past a legacy of mistrust between

police and minority communities.

Former federal prosecutor Paul Butler, an associate

dean at George Washington University Law School,

says some of the ongoing research is "promising,"

including the work in Denver. "Police need to acknowledge

there is a big problem," says Butler, who analyzes race

and the criminal justice system. "I just don't think the

police are there yet."

The Denver Police Department has served as a

research laboratory on race for about five years.

Yet in the past two years, the work has intensified

as hundreds of officers have volunteered for

rigorous testing to identify racial and gender bias.

That includes blunt questions about all officers'

views on race and the simulated use-of-force scenarios.

It is overseen by an unusual partnership between a

prominent academic, Phillip Goff — a social psychology

professor at the University of California-Los Angeles

and a former assistant to Gates — and a top local law

enforcement official, Denver Deputy Police Chief

Tracie Keesee, who has a doctorate in intercultural

communications.

The rare collaboration, University of Pittsburgh

law professor David Harris says, is shattering officers'

tradition of resisting outside scrutiny, especially on

race and ethnic relations. "The history of openness

in American policing has not been good," says Harris,

who recently joined the research team.

Goff's and Keesee's national Consortium for Police

Leadership in Equity is now working with agencies

in Los Angeles, San Jose, Houston, Salt Lake City,

Toronto, Virginia Beach and Portland, Ore.

Among the areas of study for the researchers:

San Jose. Researchers are combing through

two decades of arrest records to see whether

police have improperly targeted Hispanics and

other minorities in traffic stops and arrests for

public intoxication and disorderly conduct.

Last year, a San Jose Mercury News report

found San Jose had the most public intoxication

arrests of any city in California and that 57% of

those arrested were Hispanic. About 32% of the

city's population is Hispanic, city spokesman

Tom Manheim says.

San Jose Police Chief Rob Davis says the researchers'

access to department data is "unprecedented" and

that "if there is some evidence of biased policing,

we want to know whether we're missing something

in recruiting, hiring or training."

• Salt Lake City. Researchers are examining the

impact of controversial state legislation that allows

local police to enforce federal immigration laws,

including the detection of illegal immigrants.

Among the department's concerns, Salt Lake City

Police Chief Chris Burbank says, is that the law

is fostering mistrust of police in Hispanic communities

and discouraging Hispanics — legal and illegal —

from reporting crimes. About 30% of the city's

population is Hispanic, Burbank says.

Houston. Researchers are studying stun-gun use

after a 2008 city audit found that black suspects

are disproportionately involved in stun-gun incidents.

About 25% of Houston's population is black.

The audit of 1,417 stun-gun uses from 2004 to 2007

also found that white and Hispanic officers were more

likely than black officers to fire their stun guns

when suspects were black.

In each city, Goff says, police invited the scrutiny.

"My sense is that law enforcement is in the midst

of a sea change in leadership on this issue," he says.

Tense relations in Denver

Denver has not had the incendiary racial profiling

incidents that have plagued some other cities.

It has avoided the iconic images of the 1991 Rodney King

beating in Los Angeles or the national uproar after the

1999 mistaken fatal shooting in New York of black

immigrant Amadou Diallo.

Yet Denver, like most other large U.S. cities,

has not been immune to officers' struggles with race.

Joseph G. Sandoval, a criminal justice professor at

Metropolitan State College of Denver, says the

police department has labored to overcome a

reputation for aggressive treatment of minorities.

One of the most controversial incidents occurred

in July 2003. During a domestic disturbance call, an

officer fatally shot a 15-year-old mentally disabled

black child who was wielding a knife at his family's home.

The officer was suspended for "tactical and judgment errors"

related to the encounter; a city review of the incident

concluded he helped force the confrontation. Less than

a year after the shooting, the city settled a civil lawsuit

for $1.3 million filed by the boy's family.

Since 2005, activists, including Lisa Calderon, an organizer

for the Denver group INCITE! Women of Color Against Violence,

have accused police of racial profiling in their enforcement

of a citywide "broken windows" policing strategy.

The concept is that cracking down on small crimes,

including vandalism and public intoxication,

will reduce the likelihood of more serious crime.

Calderon says the strategy has targeted minorities

and has demanded that the department change its tactics.

Keesee says the unsettled relations between the

minority community and police prompted the

department to confront delicate issues, from gender

and race to enforcement tactics, and led to the

collaboration with Goff.

"You have to have these conversations," she says.

Critics such as Calderon and Sandoval are encouraged

by the research on possible bias. "I think there is a

commitment to change the culture," says Calderon,

who is working with the department to secure

a $400,000 private grant to create a community

"immersion" course for new police recruits.

The goal, she says, is to require recruits to

spend time in the communities they will police

before they start working the streets.

In one of the most elaborate research efforts,

consortium investigators have tracked 200

Denver officers since 2004 to try to measure

which is more effective in reducing racial or

ethnic bias: experiences in the training academy,

or time patrolling.

The work grew out of an earlier project involving

about 124 Denver officers and a sample group of civilians.

That review, published in 2007, used an interactive

computer program to determine that both police and

civilians displayed "robust racial bias in response speed"

in shooting scenarios involving racially mixed targets.

Researchers also found that officers were less likely

to shoot when they shouldn't.

"It can be a daunting proposition to start something

like this," says Joshua Correll, an experimental social

psychologist at theUniversity of Chicago, who is

leading the 200-officer review.

"Historically there has not been a lot of trust

between police departments and academia."

Diallo shooting a 'turning point'

One of the most important catalysts for change

among police departments, Wexler says, was the

Diallo shooting in New York a decade ago.

In that case, four officers fired 41 times at Diallo,

who they wrongly believed was pulling a gun.

Police later determined he was reaching for his wallet.

"That was a huge turning point, showing that

racial profiling does exist," Wexler says.

It's no coincidence that on the Denver police range,

the video-simulated shooting scenarios display

eerie similarities to some of the nation's most

tragic confrontations between police and minorities,

including Diallo's.

Motyka, who has never fired on a live target in

13 years on the force, acknowledged thinking

before shooting that the man in the hospital video

— like Diallo — "could have been pulling out a wallet."

But Motyka says the only factor that influenced

his decision to shoot was the threat of the knife,

and the man's race played no role.

That type of thinking, Denver firearms technician

Robert Winckler says, is a product of the

department's special training. "The only

thing that should matter is whether you

have the legal right" to take the shot

when the officer is threatened, he says.

Copyright 2009 USA TODAY, a division of Gannett Co. Inc.

Saturday, October 17, 2009

Focus on high crime areas is effective

Stockholm Prize in Criminology 2010 awarded for research on policing

The 2010 Prize has been awarded by its international jury to

Professor David L. Weisburd for a series of experiments

showing that intensified police patrol at high crime "hot spots"

does not merely push crime around.

This line of research encourages police around the world to concentrate

crime prevention efforts at less than 5% of all street corners and

addresses where over 50% of all urban crime occurs, yielding far

less total crime than with conventional patrol patterns.

The jury selected Weisburd's work on spatial displacement as

the most influential single contribution of his wider body of work

that has helped to bridge the gap between criminology and police practice.

The jury noted that Weisburd has been a leader among the

growing number of criminologists whose evidence shows how

the application of research findings can help to reduce not only crime,

but also the unnecessary impositions on public liberty from

policing activities that do not address a predictable crime risk.

Weisburd's work builds on and adds to other research showing

the effectiveness of placing almost all police patrols at street

corners, addresses or blocks with high rates of robbery,

purse snatching, street fights, or illegal drug markets.

Police have generally been reluctant to re-structure most

patrols to match the extreme version tested in this research

for fear that "spatial displacement" of crime will yield no

net reduction in criminal events. This theory holds that,

like air in a balloon, criminals and their crimes will simply

move from one part of a city to another if pressure is

placed on crime at any given location. The competing

theory is that most public crime only happens in certain

kinds of locations, all of which can be made less hospitable

to crime by proactive police efforts. Yet until Weisburd's

series of crucial experiments, police have widely accepted

the spatial displacement theory by spreading patrol out widely.

Evidence for drop in crime rate
The evidence from research done by Weisburd and his

colleagues in Jersey City (New Jersey) and Seattle (Washington State)

shows that crime can drop substantially in small "hot spots"

ithout rising in other areas. Weisburd also produced evidence

to demonstrate that the introduction of a crime prevention

strategy in a small, high-crime place often creates a

"diffusion of benefits" to nearby areas, reducing crime

rather than increasing it in the immediate catchment zone

around the high-crime target place. His evidence suggests

that crimes depend not just on criminals, but on policing

in key places. The jury noted that this evidence should

encourage police agencies to focus far more patrols

than at present on very small areas with high crime rates.

Chief Constable Peter Neyroud, who is the Chief Executive

of the National Policing Improvement Agency in the UK

and a member of the International Jury for the Stockholm

Prize in Criminology, commented in writing on the significance

of Weisburd's experiments. Neyroud said that this research

"has been crucial to developing more effective policing."

Commenting on the prevailing theory of displacement,

Neyroud said that police can now be more confident that

policing works. "As we strive to make our communities safer,"

he said, we now know that intensive patrol and problem-solving

on the hottest of crime hot spots will push crime down

in those areas without forcing it up in the next area."

Wednesday, October 14, 2009

History says school violence was much higher in past

An article in today's (October 14, 2009) Philadelphia
Inquirer reports that in 1870 four boys assaulted a
teacher so badly with rocks that she died a few days
later.

Apparently, according to the article, hard though it is
to believe, it was common for older boys to face off
against their teachers who then used sticks, rulers,
and paddles and often drew blood and, even on
occasion, permanent injury. There are numerous
reports of students fighting back when the teachers
were violent, drunk, or power hungry perhaps.

But what is even more interesting is that as the
one-room school disappeared and larger schools
became common, a new phenomenon arose: gangs.

In the 1950s, gangs roamed the hallways and
attacked other students or other gang members.
School violence jumped upwards in the 1960s and
1970s. In the early 1990s a third of students
reported carrying weapons within the last 30 days.

Most forms of violence in schools has dropped
considerably. While not mentioned in the article,
weapon detectors and zero tolerance policies have
probably been responsible for a portion of that drop.

Most of the students who die at or near school today
are killed with guns.

But the bottom line is that the "Good old days"
were nowhere near what we thought they were.

Monday, October 12, 2009

Most unusual for Parole Board Chairman to be Liable

An article in today's Austin newspaper
reports that the Chairman of the
Parole and Probation Board was held
liable for denial of a hearing.

While the fine was not that large ($21,000+),
attorney fees for the defendant were also
included and could run, and probably will
run, over $100,000.

The case involves Curtis Ray Graham who
was erroneously classified as a sex offender.

"It is rare for ex- convicts in Texas to
win such legal challenges in state or
federal courts.
It is almost unheard of for parole officials
to be held liable for official omissions.

Be sure to watch for the appeal and learn
if this decision will be upheld. It will
have a major impact in both parole and
probation departments.

Did Justice Go Awry

A New York Times article (October 12, 2009) raises
disturbing questions about a case that is 16 years old
involving three teenagers who were found guilty of
kidnapping and killing three young boys from Arkansas.

Two of the three are serving life sentences and the
third is on death row. The sentences were based on
the recanted and error-filled confession by one of
those charged. New DNA evidence points elsewhere
and people have come forward to strengthen the
alibis about where the convicted youth were at the
times when the little boys disappeared.

Even the parents of the victims are joining the cry for
a new trial. The town where all six lived is a very
small rural area and the new questions about guilt
are causing a schism between those who want a new
trial and those who say the trial was had and that
is enough.

Too many cases these days where questions are
raised about whether justice was absent. Is this
another instance of tunnel vision on the part of
police and the prosecutor or even worse a forced
confession? The three in prison are
Jason Baldwin, Damien Echols and Jessie Misskelley Jr.

Echols is on death row and Kisskelley provided
the confession. You might want to keep a lookout
to see if the Arkansas Supreme Court grants a new
trial.

Saturday, October 10, 2009

Worth considering

An article in the New York Times discussed the
question that the judge will face when sentencing
Anthony Marshall who was found guilty of taking
advantage of his wealthy mother's mental condition
and helping himself to her nearly $200 million
dollar fortune and changing her will. She died at
age 105. He is 85 and not in the best of health.

The question involves sentencing him to be incarcerated
for a serious felony or allowing him to remain at home
under probationary or other conditions. It is
important to note that other older defendants (80 or over)
have served time in prison albeit in minimum security
institutions for the most part.

Not to be overlooked in your reflections is the fact that
incarcerating anyone with a medical condition is quite
an expense for the correctional institution.

Should age become a type of get-out-of-jail-free card?

Friday, October 9, 2009

Makes Sense and Predictable

In a NY Times article, a report by the Urban League stated
that 1 in 10 Anglo males who dropped out of school were in
jail or juvenile detention as opposed to 1 in 35 for those who
graduated. For African American males the number is 25%
of them are incarcerated or institutionalized.

Even in good economic times, there are few jobs above
minimum wage salary available to those who are unskilled
and in many cases illiterate as well. Probation and parole
records illustrate that success and a job can be correlated.

The cost to society and to each of us is a staggering sum.

The solution is not immediately apparent but various
methods need to be tried and finances provided for
them if we are to reverse this trend.