Tuesday, October 20, 2009

Training to Eliminate profiling

This article was copied from today's issue of
USA Today (October 20, 2009).

In a switch, police invite scrutiny of racial profiling

·

By Kevin Johnson, USA TODAY

DENVER — By the time police Sgt. Robert Motyka

responds to the disturbance call at a local hospital

emergency room, the man at the reception counter

is clearly agitated.

His speech is unintelligible. He becomes frantic

as the officer slowly approaches, urging him to

calm down. In a blur of flailing arms, the man

reaches for something in his back pocket.

Motyka has no time to consider the possible

consequences of one of the most potentially

combustible scenarios in America: a

confrontation between a black man and a white officer.

When the man pulls a knife and lunges forward,

Motyka drops him with four quick pops from his

9mm Beretta. But there will be no public

second-guessing of the 13-year veteran's actions.

No racially charged demonstrations by civil rights

activists. No calls for a review of police dealings

with minorities.

In this case, Motyka was reacting to a large-screen,

video simulation designed to test officers' judgment

when using lethal force and scrutinize their dealings

with minorities. In the end, the officer acted

appropriately, according to his examiners.

The live-ammunition exercise, confined to the

department's shooting range, is part of a growing

body of research and training in nearly a dozen

law enforcement agencies across the country

aimed at eliminating persistent racial profiling

by police. Researchers are examining virtually

all facets of police behavior, from officers' interactions

with new immigrants to car stops and the use of

lethal force. More unusual, criminal justice analysts

say, is that police officials are inviting the increased

scrutiny, representing a generational change in

law enforcement in a country that is now 34% minority.

If the July White House "beer summit" was supposed

to offer a simple teaching moment after the high-profile

arrest of a black Harvard scholar by a white Cambridge,

Mass., officer, the research in Denver and elsewhere

could provide some of the most instructive case studies

on the intersection of race and law enforcement,

some police analysts say.

"Law enforcement's willingness to confront issues of

race represents a huge shift in modern policing," says

Chuck Wexler, executive director of the Police Executive

Research Forum, a law enforcement think tank. "I think

you would be hard-pressed to find another institution in

America more challenged by race than police. Coming

out of the civil rights era, most departments were

viewed (by minority communities) as occupying armies."

Wexler is leading a review of the Cambridge Police

Department's role in the arrest of Harvard professor

Henry Louis Gates and convened the first meeting of

a special panel there last week.

Gates' arrest on disorderly conduct charges,

after a 911 caller mistakenly identified him as a possible

burglar at his own home, sparked a heated national

debate over racial profiling and prompted President Obama

to criticize the police. Obama later apologized for saying

police acted "stupidly" and hosted Gates and the

arresting officer, Sgt. James Crowley, in an effort

to move the nation past a legacy of mistrust between

police and minority communities.

Former federal prosecutor Paul Butler, an associate

dean at George Washington University Law School,

says some of the ongoing research is "promising,"

including the work in Denver. "Police need to acknowledge

there is a big problem," says Butler, who analyzes race

and the criminal justice system. "I just don't think the

police are there yet."

The Denver Police Department has served as a

research laboratory on race for about five years.

Yet in the past two years, the work has intensified

as hundreds of officers have volunteered for

rigorous testing to identify racial and gender bias.

That includes blunt questions about all officers'

views on race and the simulated use-of-force scenarios.

It is overseen by an unusual partnership between a

prominent academic, Phillip Goff — a social psychology

professor at the University of California-Los Angeles

and a former assistant to Gates — and a top local law

enforcement official, Denver Deputy Police Chief

Tracie Keesee, who has a doctorate in intercultural

communications.

The rare collaboration, University of Pittsburgh

law professor David Harris says, is shattering officers'

tradition of resisting outside scrutiny, especially on

race and ethnic relations. "The history of openness

in American policing has not been good," says Harris,

who recently joined the research team.

Goff's and Keesee's national Consortium for Police

Leadership in Equity is now working with agencies

in Los Angeles, San Jose, Houston, Salt Lake City,

Toronto, Virginia Beach and Portland, Ore.

Among the areas of study for the researchers:

San Jose. Researchers are combing through

two decades of arrest records to see whether

police have improperly targeted Hispanics and

other minorities in traffic stops and arrests for

public intoxication and disorderly conduct.

Last year, a San Jose Mercury News report

found San Jose had the most public intoxication

arrests of any city in California and that 57% of

those arrested were Hispanic. About 32% of the

city's population is Hispanic, city spokesman

Tom Manheim says.

San Jose Police Chief Rob Davis says the researchers'

access to department data is "unprecedented" and

that "if there is some evidence of biased policing,

we want to know whether we're missing something

in recruiting, hiring or training."

• Salt Lake City. Researchers are examining the

impact of controversial state legislation that allows

local police to enforce federal immigration laws,

including the detection of illegal immigrants.

Among the department's concerns, Salt Lake City

Police Chief Chris Burbank says, is that the law

is fostering mistrust of police in Hispanic communities

and discouraging Hispanics — legal and illegal —

from reporting crimes. About 30% of the city's

population is Hispanic, Burbank says.

Houston. Researchers are studying stun-gun use

after a 2008 city audit found that black suspects

are disproportionately involved in stun-gun incidents.

About 25% of Houston's population is black.

The audit of 1,417 stun-gun uses from 2004 to 2007

also found that white and Hispanic officers were more

likely than black officers to fire their stun guns

when suspects were black.

In each city, Goff says, police invited the scrutiny.

"My sense is that law enforcement is in the midst

of a sea change in leadership on this issue," he says.

Tense relations in Denver

Denver has not had the incendiary racial profiling

incidents that have plagued some other cities.

It has avoided the iconic images of the 1991 Rodney King

beating in Los Angeles or the national uproar after the

1999 mistaken fatal shooting in New York of black

immigrant Amadou Diallo.

Yet Denver, like most other large U.S. cities,

has not been immune to officers' struggles with race.

Joseph G. Sandoval, a criminal justice professor at

Metropolitan State College of Denver, says the

police department has labored to overcome a

reputation for aggressive treatment of minorities.

One of the most controversial incidents occurred

in July 2003. During a domestic disturbance call, an

officer fatally shot a 15-year-old mentally disabled

black child who was wielding a knife at his family's home.

The officer was suspended for "tactical and judgment errors"

related to the encounter; a city review of the incident

concluded he helped force the confrontation. Less than

a year after the shooting, the city settled a civil lawsuit

for $1.3 million filed by the boy's family.

Since 2005, activists, including Lisa Calderon, an organizer

for the Denver group INCITE! Women of Color Against Violence,

have accused police of racial profiling in their enforcement

of a citywide "broken windows" policing strategy.

The concept is that cracking down on small crimes,

including vandalism and public intoxication,

will reduce the likelihood of more serious crime.

Calderon says the strategy has targeted minorities

and has demanded that the department change its tactics.

Keesee says the unsettled relations between the

minority community and police prompted the

department to confront delicate issues, from gender

and race to enforcement tactics, and led to the

collaboration with Goff.

"You have to have these conversations," she says.

Critics such as Calderon and Sandoval are encouraged

by the research on possible bias. "I think there is a

commitment to change the culture," says Calderon,

who is working with the department to secure

a $400,000 private grant to create a community

"immersion" course for new police recruits.

The goal, she says, is to require recruits to

spend time in the communities they will police

before they start working the streets.

In one of the most elaborate research efforts,

consortium investigators have tracked 200

Denver officers since 2004 to try to measure

which is more effective in reducing racial or

ethnic bias: experiences in the training academy,

or time patrolling.

The work grew out of an earlier project involving

about 124 Denver officers and a sample group of civilians.

That review, published in 2007, used an interactive

computer program to determine that both police and

civilians displayed "robust racial bias in response speed"

in shooting scenarios involving racially mixed targets.

Researchers also found that officers were less likely

to shoot when they shouldn't.

"It can be a daunting proposition to start something

like this," says Joshua Correll, an experimental social

psychologist at theUniversity of Chicago, who is

leading the 200-officer review.

"Historically there has not been a lot of trust

between police departments and academia."

Diallo shooting a 'turning point'

One of the most important catalysts for change

among police departments, Wexler says, was the

Diallo shooting in New York a decade ago.

In that case, four officers fired 41 times at Diallo,

who they wrongly believed was pulling a gun.

Police later determined he was reaching for his wallet.

"That was a huge turning point, showing that

racial profiling does exist," Wexler says.

It's no coincidence that on the Denver police range,

the video-simulated shooting scenarios display

eerie similarities to some of the nation's most

tragic confrontations between police and minorities,

including Diallo's.

Motyka, who has never fired on a live target in

13 years on the force, acknowledged thinking

before shooting that the man in the hospital video

— like Diallo — "could have been pulling out a wallet."

But Motyka says the only factor that influenced

his decision to shoot was the threat of the knife,

and the man's race played no role.

That type of thinking, Denver firearms technician

Robert Winckler says, is a product of the

department's special training. "The only

thing that should matter is whether you

have the legal right" to take the shot

when the officer is threatened, he says.

Copyright 2009 USA TODAY, a division of Gannett Co. Inc.

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